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Initiatives, referendums and amendments, how ballot measures really work

How initiatives, referendums and amendments reach the ballot, the conservative wins from Prop 13 to TABOR, and why wording decides the vote.

Every legislature in America has a standard reaction to the citizen ballot measure, and it can be summed up in three words: how dare they. Imagine a group of ordinary taxpayers who looked at a legislature that had stopped listening, and decided to write the law themselves. The nerve. The gall. The signature gathering in the grocery store parking lot.

And yet the ballot measure is one of the great American inventions, and a good one for conservatives to understand. It lets voters bypass a stuck legislature, put a limit on spending that no incumbent wants to vote for, and fix the constitution of a state by majority vote. It has also been used by the other side, which is the part we need to be honest about. A tool this powerful cuts both ways. So let's explain how it works, who has used it well, and why the fine print decides more elections than the speeches do.

Three tools with three different names

People use "initiative," "referendum" and "amendment" as if they meant the same thing. They do not. Here is the vocabulary.

Initiative. Citizens write a proposal and collect signatures to put it on the ballot. If the voters approve it, it becomes law. There are two kinds. In a direct initiative, the measure goes straight to the ballot once enough valid signatures are certified. In an indirect initiative, it goes first to the legislature, which can adopt it, reject it, or offer an alternative, and only if the legislature does not enact it does it go to the voters. An initiative can propose a statute, an ordinary law, or a constitutional amendment, depending on what the state allows.

Referendum. This is a vote on a law that already exists. A popular referendum (sometimes called a people's veto) lets citizens petition to put a law passed by the legislature to a vote, to see whether voters want to keep it. A legislative referral is the legislature itself placing a question on the ballot. Many state constitutions require this for bonds and certain taxes.

Constitutional amendment. In almost every state, when the legislature proposes an amendment to the state constitution, it must go to the voters for approval. Delaware is the exception: its legislature can amend the constitution by a two-thirds vote of both chambers without a popular vote. Everywhere else, voters have the last word.

One caution that matters for the rest of this post: none of this exists at the national level. There is no federal initiative. Amending the U.S. Constitution runs through Article V, by Congress and the states. The power belongs to about half the states, and the details are set by state law, so the rules in Colorado are not the rules in Ohio or Texas. Initiative, Referendum and Recall Explained in Ten Straight Answers covers the basics in a shorter format, and your state's secretary of state or election office publishes the rules for your own state.

Where it came from

The idea belongs to the Progressive Era, though its roots run through the Populists. In the late nineteenth century, reformers looked at state legislatures that were, in their view, owned by railroads and big corporations, and they asked a simple question: if the people cannot trust the legislature, why can't the people legislate for themselves?

South Dakota adopted the initiative and referendum in 1898, the first state to do so. Oregon followed in 1902 with a system so influential that it became known as the Oregon System, and the practice spread across the West and the Midwest over the next two decades. The justification was the same one conservatives make about many things today: government should answer to the people who pay for it, and when the representatives will not listen, the principal can overrule the agent.

How a measure gets on the ballot

The process differs from state to state, but the steps are similar. I will describe it in principle and send you to your own state for the specifics.

  1. Draft the text. The sponsors write the proposal. It must be clear, and in most states it must be reviewed by an official, such as the attorney general or a legislative office, for form.
  2. Get a title and summary. The state, or in some places the sponsors, writes the title and the short description that will appear on petitions and on the ballot. This step matters more than most people realize, as we will see.
  3. Collect signatures. A state sets a threshold, often defined as a percentage of the votes cast for governor in the last election, or of registered voters. Some states also require a geographic spread, with signatures from a minimum number of counties or districts. A deadline applies. The numbers vary widely, and many are changed by state law, so look them up for your state.
  4. Verification. Officials check the signatures against the voter rolls. Invalid or duplicate signatures are thrown out, which is why campaigns collect a cushion above the minimum. The same arithmetic that guides a candidate in the win-number worksheet, how many votes does your race really take applies here: you need the minimum plus a margin of safety.
  5. Legal review. A court may be asked to decide whether the measure complies with the state's rules.
  6. The vote. The measure appears on the ballot. Some require a simple majority. Others require more, for certain types of measures, so check your state.

For the details of the signature process, see How a Citizen Initiative Gets on the Ballot, Signature by Signature.

Single-subject rules

Many states require that an initiative cover only one subject. The reason is sound. Without such a rule, sponsors could bundle a popular provision with an unpopular one, and voters would have to take both or neither. Courts enforce the rule, and a measure that wanders can be knocked off the ballot or struck down after it passes. Sponsors who want to survive should write short and narrow.

Two conservative landmarks

If you want to see the ballot measure at its best from a conservative point of view, look at two of the great tax limits of the last half century.

California's Proposition 13 (1978)

In the 1970s, rising property values were sending assessments through the roof, and homeowners, especially retirees on fixed incomes, faced tax bills that rose faster than their incomes. Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann led a citizen initiative to stop it. In June 1978, California voters approved Proposition 13.

It did several things. It capped the property tax rate at 1 percent of assessed value. It rolled assessed values back to their 1975-76 level and limited increases to no more than 2 percent a year until a property changed hands or was newly built. It required a two-thirds vote of the legislature to raise state taxes, and a two-thirds vote of local voters for local special taxes. A legislature that would never have passed any of this was left with a rule it could not repeal on its own.

The political echo was enormous. Taxpayer revolts followed in many states, and the party that listened to those voters gained a generation of supporters. The history is told in How Proposition 13 Started the Tax Revolt That Reshaped the GOP and Proposition 13 and the Tax Revolt That Rattled Every Statehouse, and you can calculate how property tax works in your own home with Work Out Your Own Property Tax Bill With Mill Rates and Exemptions.

Colorado's TABOR (1992)

In 1992, Colorado voters approved the Taxpayer's Bill of Rights, known as TABOR, written by an activist named Doug Bruce. It placed in the state constitution a requirement that voters approve any new tax or tax rate increase. It also limited the growth of state revenue to the rate of inflation plus population growth, and it required that revenue above the limit be refunded to taxpayers unless voters agreed to keep it.

TABOR is a case study in how a ballot measure can reshape a government. The legislature could not raise taxes on its own, and had to go to the people. And TABOR also shows the other half of the principle: Colorado voters themselves have since voted on adjustments to it, including a 2005 measure that allowed the state to keep revenue above the cap for a period. That is the system working as designed. Voters wrote the rule, and voters have the power to change it. How Colorado Voters Put a Leash on Their Own Legislature tells the story.

Term limits and other wins

In 1990, voters in California, Colorado and Oklahoma approved limits on legislative terms by ballot measure, a reform that incumbents in most legislatures would never have voted for. California's Proposition 209, in 1996, barred the state from granting preferential treatment on the basis of race or sex in public employment, education and contracting. Michigan voters approved a similar constitutional amendment in 2006. Whatever you think of any one of these, they have a common feature: they are policies that elected officials would not or could not pass themselves.

The other edge of the blade

Honesty requires admitting that the ballot measure is not a conservative device. It is a neutral one, and it has been used against conservative positions too.

In several Republican-leaning states, voters have approved Medicaid expansion by ballot measure after their legislatures declined to pass it. Idaho, Nebraska and Utah did so in 2018, Missouri and Oklahoma in 2020 and South Dakota in 2022. Supporters of limited government may dislike the result, and many do. But notice what happened: the people used the tool conservatives had defended for decades, and the answer was not the answer the legislature wanted.

Legislatures sometimes respond by trying to raise the bar: higher signature requirements, tighter geographic distribution rules, higher vote thresholds, or amendments or repeals of measures voters have passed. Those responses range from reasonable guardrails to naked incumbent protection, and the rules on what a legislature may do to a voter-passed measure vary by state. In some states the legislature may amend or repeal a voter-approved statute. In others it needs a supermajority or is barred. When you hear about a proposed change to the initiative process, ask who gains from it, and how much it costs ordinary citizens to use the process.

The lesson for conservatives is not to hate the tool. It is to learn it. If you want the power to cap spending, you must accept that the power exists for everyone.

The strongest objection

The best argument against the ballot measure is a serious one and deserves to be stated well. It runs like this:

  1. The Constitution establishes a republic, not a direct democracy. James Madison argued in Federalist No. 10 that representative government filters the passions of the majority and protects minorities.
  2. Ballot measures reduce complicated questions to a yes or no, written by whoever has the money to gather signatures.
  3. A measure with a catchy title can pass without anyone reading it.
  4. Therefore, direct democracy risks policy by slogan.

It is a respectable argument. Here is the answer, in three parts.

First, the Constitution's guarantee is to the states, and the states chose. Article IV promises each state a republican form of government. The Supreme Court considered the argument that the initiative violates it in Pacific States Telephone and Telegraph Co. v. Oregon (1912) and held that the question was political, for Congress and not the courts, to decide. States have been running initiatives for more than a century.

Second, the objection proves too much. Legislatures write slogans too. A thousand-page bill with a patriotic name is no more read than a ballot summary. And it is far harder for voters to undo.

Third, the initiative is a check, not a replacement. In most states, the legislature does nearly all the lawmaking. The ballot measure is the safety valve that keeps it honest. It is used rarely, which is why, when voters use it, it carries weight.

The way to answer the objection in practice is for voters to do their homework, which is why how to read your ballot before you get to the voting booth is a companion to this post.

Why wording, summaries and fiscal notes decide the vote

Here is the practical heart of it. Most voters see a measure for the first time in the booth, and what they see is the title and a few lines of summary. So whoever writes those lines holds enormous power. Depending on the state, the title and summary may be written by the attorney general, a legislative council, a ballot board, the legislature or the sponsors, and courts in many states will strike down wording that is misleading. That is an important check, but it does not catch everything.

A hypothetical shows how much language can matter. Imagine a measure that requires voter approval for any local tax increase above the rate of inflation. Supporters would title it the "Protect Taxpayers Act." Opponents would prefer "Limit Funding for Local Services Act." Same text. Different vote.

Two protections help.

The summary and the fiscal note. Many states publish an official voter guide with a neutral summary and an estimate of what the measure costs or saves. California's official voter guide includes an analysis by the Legislative Analyst's Office, and Colorado's guide, known as the Blue Book, lays out arguments for and against along with a fiscal estimate. Read yours.

The full text. The text, not the title, is what becomes law. If it is too long to read at the kitchen table, that is a signal in itself.

A simple routine for any measure: read the title, read the summary, find the fiscal note, and ask what a yes does and what a no does. Then ask who wrote it and who is paying for the campaign on each side. If you still cannot say in a sentence what it does, you have permission to vote no.

For the broader picture of what state laws mean in practice, and why the fiscal side matters to a family's budget, see Sales Tax, Property Tax and Who Really Pays for Your State.

The bottom line

  • Learn the vocabulary: an initiative starts with citizens, a referendum votes on a law, a referral comes from the legislature, and almost every state constitutional amendment needs a vote of the people.
  • Treat the ballot measure as a tool, not a team. It gave conservatives Proposition 13, TABOR and term limits, and it gave others Medicaid expansion in red states. Use it, and defend the voters' right to use it.
  • Check your own state's signature rules, deadlines and single-subject rules before you plan a petition drive, and budget for more signatures than the minimum.
  • Never vote on a title alone. Read the summary, the fiscal note and the full text, and vote no on what you cannot explain.
  • Watch what a legislature does after a measure passes or is proposed, and ask who gains from every change to the process.

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